Many different types of omnivorousness have been discovered since the term was first coined not every eclectic repertoire holder follows the same trajectory of boundary crossing. The debate has progressed quite successfully. Therefore, this repertoire may very well be considered a new form of distinction-a strategy the economically and culturally advantaged use to “make” their identity and distinguish themselves from others. Moreover, empirical research is now sufficient enough to show that omnivores are selective and they show little tolerance for the genres associated with lower social/cultural status. It seems that being a true omnivore requires certain skills, investment, and prior cultural knowledge, which can be translated into advantages in other social fields. Peterson himself argued that the employment market has begun to seek this kind of wide-ranging awareness and cultural inclusiveness. Many case studies have shown that eclectic repertoires are more likely to be embodied by the educated middle classes. The contributors to this debate have provided competing answers to the following crucial questions: What is the strength and direction of the association between socioeconomic status and cultural taste? Are we witnessing the decomposition of cultural-class boundaries and snobbishness? How far does cultural omnivorousness bring tolerance and cultural inclusion? These questions, asked within the debate, demonstrate the concept’s significance for our understanding of sociocultural change. The omnivore thesis is extremely important for contemporary cultural theory because it pushes researchers to scrutinize the current status of the relationship between culture and power. This interest has been so consistent that we now have sufficient empirical and theoretical research to label the discussion a coherent sociological “debate.” The relationship between omnivorous orientation and variables such as education, age, gender, class, ethnicity, and race has been analyzed in many different national contexts and cultural fields. Later, especially after researchers in Europe developed an interest in the term, many other cultural consumption domains were analyzed to see whether highbrow taste profiles tend to become less exclusive. Peterson’s initial studies-with Kern and Simkus-used data on tastes in music in the United States. In other words, the concept refers to a taste profile that includes both highbrow and lowbrow genres. Omnivorous consumers have an increased breadth of cultural taste and a willingness to cross established hierarchical cultural genre boundaries. According to his definition, this profile emerged in the late 20th century, in accordance with macro changes experienced in the socioeconomic and political spheres.
Thus, this study will exemplify the socio-cultural significance of manuscript circulation in the context of the early modern Deccan.The term cultural omnivorousness was first introduced to the cultural consumption literature by Richard Peterson in 1992 (see Peterson 1992 ) to refer to a particular cultural appreciation profile. I study the paratextual profile of these manuscripts to advance an argument on modalities of manuscript transmission through the transregional scholarly and Sufi networks of Bijapur. 1130/1718) manuscripts, transcribed during his travels from Yemen to Bijapur during the second half of the 17th century. In this article, I focus on Sayyid Zayn ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Muqaybil’s (d. However, Arabic manuscripts as they survive in the Royal Library of Bijapur can provide a documentary perspective that testifies to the Deccan’s transregional connections with the wider Western Indian Ocean and the cultural practices transacted by Sufis in Bijapur. Thus far, Richard Eaton has mainly concentrated on prosopographical sources to write a social history of the Sufis of Bijapur. The early modern South Asian sultanate of Bijapur (9/15 th–11/17 th c.) represented a rich centre for the transmission of manuscripts by both the court and local Sufi communities.
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